Precarity The decision to migrate is framed by international and state actors as being a rational process made by rational beings who are able to capitalise on high wages and labour demand in other countries, leading to local development and benefits back home. However, there is a need to clearly determine the insecurities and precarity of migration as a movement and a life process for migrant workers and their households. Koser (2013) attempts to analyse the reasons for gaps between legal and institutional provisions and migrant worker protection. Among these areas he identifies as shaping experiences of institutionalised precarity is the ‘decreasing significance of the state in the recruitment of migrant labour and the increasing importance of private agents and intermediaries’. Indeed, the costs of migration and employment that migrant workers are forced to deal with, is an indicator of neoliberal regime where the workers right to negotiate their terms of employment are diminished to an extent of making them pay to be employed. Recruitment costs are also shown are figuring into wage theft cases and is a prominent occurrence among wage theft victims that had to return prematurely and in debt to their recruitment agent. This matters not only for migrant households and policy makers in origin countries, but also for policy makers in host countries if the poor working conditions of migrants undermine the working conditions of the native-born or create unfair competition – thereby affecting local employment and nationalisation measures. (Aleksynska, Kazi Aoul, & Petrencu, 2017) Migrant labour has been systematically made insecure through increased stratifications, wage inequalities, policy invisibility of undocumented and irregular workers, alteration of social rights to the benefit of employers, among others. Migration rhetoric has recently deemed migrant labour as ‘guest workers’, becoming placed in between migration law and labour law of the destination country and attempting to navigate these spaces without the support of workers movements, or unions (Perocco, 2019). Migration policies made for the benefit of the destination countries attempt to provide migrants with a semblance of flexibility, but only as per the needs of the labour market. In destination countries where labour contracts determine the legal and social rights of the worker, workers in the gig economy, part-time workers, etc., become extremely insecure. “By lowering the cost of labour and by offering an ultra-flexible workforce, migrants are forced into a subordinated position, and are liable to blackmail by migration ” policies and institutional discrimination (Perocco, 2019) 25